PHOTO: PDP GOVERNORS, CHEIFTAINS IN OBI`S RESIDENCE AS HE DEFECTS TO THEIR PARTY

TAN, Jonathan and Mandela Single Term

By Erasmus Ikhide

There is no stopping President Goodluck Jonathan from falling into the clairvoyance trap. Already, the presidency has reached the empty point. The timeless advice, “Say what you mean, and mean what you say”, which must be preceded by knowing what you mean did not find a place in the heart of Mr President. We are not at a lost as to how things come to this sober moment.

Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria, TAN has given him the reasons to continue to wobble and to violate the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; the same constitution he swore to uphold and protect. President Jonathan now believe that truly committed following like TAN’s group and others automatically sense his ambition and know what he want without being told. They have been reading his decisive body language and had keyed into the anomalies, forthwith.

Now, the oddity. The hempy group called TAN has dragged the name of the Sainted late former South Africa President Nelson Mandela onto the bargain. The immoral swamping mud of Nigeria politics as a cynosure of presidential waywardness has taken the centre stage. The is a country where executive recklessness, status arrogance, presidential corruption of all hues, electoral manipulation, ritual killings are given metaphors of governance.

Interestingly, those who stole the nation’s Fuel Subsidy billions are said to be the ones sponsoring TAN and several other frauds recorded under president Jonathan Administration. Any wonder that the N32.8 billion Police Pension Fund; N40 billion Gbenga Daniel’s theft of Ogun State money, the former minister of Works and Housing N75 billion looting, N94.2 million Faruq Lawal versus Femi Otedola bribery, N58 billion squandered by four Governors, N20 billion NNPC missing fund, N7 billion Shell Petroleum Tax Evasion, the $1.1 billion OPL 245 Malabu bribe, Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor’s $9.3 million arms deal can never be unearthed.

There is no doubt that President Jonathan got Pan-Nigerian mandate in 2011 for his seemingly candid promises to fix the rust of the nation. He also promised to run for single term in office. So far, he has failed the nation on the two promises. Nigeria has got the worst of image problems in terms of insecurity and doing exactly opposite what its leader promised. Yet, TAN has consistently – in its daily advertisement – equates President Jonathan with the South Africa icon, late President Nelson Mandela.

Madiba was one of the world’s most revered statesmen, who led the struggle to replace the apartheid regime of South Africa with a multi-racial democracy. Jailed for 27 years, he emerged in 1990 to become the country’s first black president four years later and spearheaded the drive for peace in other spheres of conflict. He also won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1993. His charisma, self-deprecating sense of humour and lack of bitterness over his harsh treatment, as well as his amazing life story, partly explain his extraordinary global appeal.

One wonder, therefore why TAN should be equating President Jonathan with the Madiba, the last liberator of the 20th century – whose exemplary life of struggle, triumph, dignity, freedom, and hope found expression in the live of billions across the globe? Why would TAN compared the Otuoke man with the Thembo man who gave potent voice to the claims of the oppressed and the moral necessity of racial justice? Why must the President enjoy the adulation of his lifeless presidency as portrayer for excellent leadership? Why would TAN disingenuously compared Jonathan with Mandela – a who man erected a constitutional order to preserve freedom for future generations? A man who was committed to democracy and rule of law and ratified same not only by his election, but by his willingness to step down from power after only one term?

Madiba’s commitment to this cause was aptly captured thus: “I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I’ve cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and [with] equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”

Granted that Madiba was not a bust made of marble; he admitted so: “I am not a saint,” he said, “unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying.” But President Jonathan credited sainthood to his Administration in his 53th Independence Day speech, saying his Administration has touched every segment of the society: “We have recorded notable success in the social sector. Nigeria has been globally acknowledged for reducing extreme hunger by more than half, with the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) formally presenting the country with an award for achieving the Millennium Development Goal on Hunger three years ahead of the 2015 target date set for the Millennium Development Goals.”

This is coming at a time Nigeria has been rated one of the worst governed countries in Africa based on the 2014 Ibrahim Index of African Governance [IIAG], which was released a few days ago. In the report, Nigeria is rated 45.8 per cent lower than the African average (51.5 per cent) and ranked 37th out of 52 in the overall governance scale. The country scored lower than the regional average for West Africa which stands at 52.2 percent and ranked 12th out of 15 in the region. While Nigeria got the damning rating by the IIAG, Mauritius is adjudged the best governed country in Africa, with 81.7 per cent, followed by Cape Verde, with 76.6 percent.

IIAG is sponsored by the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, MIF, a non-grant making organisation committed to defining, assessing and enhancing governance and leadership in Africa. It presents annual assessments of the quality of governance in African countries. It also provides the framework for citizens, governments, institutions and the private sector to assess accurately the delivery of public goods and services, and policy outcomes, across the continent. Other countries that made it to the top of the list included Botswana which is rated the third best governed country in the continent with 76.2 percent and South Africa which comes fourth with 73.3 percent. Ghana is rated 7th; Rwanda 11th; Benin Republic 18th; Egypt 26th; Mali 28th; Niger, 29th; Liberia; 31st; Cameroon 34th and Togo 36th; all ahead of far more endowed Nigeria.

With a population of 173.6 million and population growth rate pegged at 2.8 percent, Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product, GDP, is put at $3013.3 USD, while inflation and unemployment rates stand at 8.5 percent and 13.7 percent, respectively. Nigeria also received appalling ratings in such categories such as safety and the rule of law where it is rated 44th with 38.1 per cent, 32nd in the rule of law with 41.0 percent and 30th in accountability with 36.6 percent. The country got its lowest rating in personal safety where it is ranked 49th with 16.5 per cent and second lowest in national security where it is ranked 48th with 58.2 per cent. Under participation and human rights, the country is rated 26th with 46.9 per cent, 31th on sustainable economic opportunity with 43.3 per cent and 34th in human development with 53.0 per cent.

The danger in the arc of Jonathan’s Administration is histrionic. The danger in it is that young and gullible Nigerians would be tempted to conflate actual governance, purposeful leadership and broad mindedness witnessed in the life and time of Madiba to mean mere opportunism masquerading as governance in Nigeria. They will be confused into believing that President Jonathan is offering socio-economic panacea needed in the 21th century, as presented by TAN. Such grandstanding by president Jonathan and TAN will erase the legacy of Madiba, his sense of equality, economic and political justice which he fought and died for.

In Nigeria today, we still see children suffering from hunger and disease; 10. 8 million children are out of school, we still see run-down schools everywhere. We still see young people without prospects for the future and without means of livelihood. In and around Nigeria today, men and women are still imprisoned for their political beliefs, and are still persecuted for who they worship, and how they worship, and who they love. The grinning president has no answer to the chronic poverty and growing inequality in the country.

This is where clarity of purpose suffice. Without doubts, the starting point for all effective leader is vision and visioning. It’s only when a leader is absolutely clear about what he wants that the hard work of leadership is simplified and can be actualised. Then, the distance between beloved leader and despised leader becomes shorter than we think. The swath is so thin that proper conceptualisation will readily bridge the gap. That is one of the reasons we have been witnessing the public downfall of leaders from almost every area of endeavor – politics, religion, business and sports. Today they are on top of the heap, the next day, the heap is on top of them!

Unfortunately, President Jonathan is trying to become a leader and has fallen into the trap of leadership “becoming”. Incidentally, leadership flows from natural inner vision and character. President Jonathan Administration is suffering from lack of leadership clarity. This has manifested in the way and manner the president has been double speaking. When leaders are unclear about their purpose in governance, they often hide their confusion and uncertainty in the continuity subterfuge.

President Jonathan, long before now had slipped onto the slopping valley of failure. A nation is in danger when its leader confuses manipulation for leadership and when compromised ethics is rationalised away as necessary for the “greater good” for the “greatest numbers”. These are more manifest when leaders over indulged themselves in any pleasures, be they food, drink, drugs, gambling or sex with increasing acerbity.

Mark Sanborn who has been acknowledged for expository essays on leadership classifies leadership thus: “A leader’s credibility is the result of two aspects: what he or she does (competency) and who he or she is (character). A discrepancy between these two aspects creates an integrity problem”. That is the oddity confronting Presdent Goodluck Jonathan and his Administration.

Erasmus wrote in from Lagos, Nigeria

Tel: 234 8056 225 515

"They are the same" is not a political party in Nigeria

By Lauretta Onochie

I cannot count how many times I have been told, “This is Nigeria, not UK”. It’s usually in response to my democratic nonsense. I am a democrat. I also live in a democratic society. I was born in Nigeria. I grew up in Nigeria too. So I have a fairly good understanding of how we do things in Nigeria. I also have an understanding of what governance means in Nigeria. It’s meaning and style are a far cry from what they mean, even in Ghana.

Then I stumbled on a word, an English word. “Change”. So many of us’ Nigerians, began to dream. We began to imagine how this word, “Change”, could transform the lives of all Nigerians. We dreamed of heights hitherto unattained by Nigerians that we could now attain as individuals and as a nation because of “Change”! We dreamed of reclaiming our position as the giant of Africa that roared in the days of apartheid and the world listened. We dreamed of our leaders standing shoulder to shoulder with world leaders and other lesser nations, queening to have audience or even a glance at our leaders.

We began to imagine that the 6-3-3-4 system of education, one of the best in the world would now be properly implemented in its original form, fulfilling the aspirations of many young Nigerians who have been shoved into higher academic institutions when apprenticeship schemes in technical education for requisite skills acquisition would have sufficed.

We also began to dream that change would revamp and resuscitate our comatose health sector that has sent the few remaining middle class Nigerians to Indian hospitals and our elites, including our political captors, to the United Kingdom, America and Germany. The same sector that has not met the needs of ordinary Nigerians who die daily from common ailments and manageable health conditions.

We thought “change” would repair our dilapidated roads that have become death traps for thousands of road users around our nation. We believed strongly that change would finally, bring about an end to the incessant power failure that Nigerians have become accustomed to, that has crippled small business and left all Nigerians with the burden of generating their own electricity, noise and environmental pollution.

Yes we hoped that change would reverse the state of lawlessness that has overwhelmed our nation where the law descends heavily on small time criminals while our elected and appointed political office holders, their spouses and friends, commit every known crime, including mass murder of immigration jobseekers and yes, they go free. Sometimes with a pat on the back.

We hoped that “change” would usher in accountability, efficiency and restore some sanity in the way we view public service. We also believed in the ability of change to put an end to vices such as corruption, tribalism, nepotism, discrimination of all kinds and high level impunity.

Religion is good but when it becomes the only focus of a people, it’s an indication that such a people have lost hope in all else. They begin to have their vision clouded as they can no longer decipher between normal occurrences and miracles. We became a nation where giving birth to babies, securing a jobs, waking up to a new day, a new week and a new month are now miracles that have to be celebrated. So we began to hope too that change would support the refocusing of Nigerians on themselves with a view to rediscovering their God-given potentials to do great things. We had hoped too that religion would return to being a medium of doing good and fostering peaceful coexistence among the multi ethnic people of Nigeria.

Those were some of the hopes we had that “change” would usher in. But everywhere I turned, there was someone reminding me that this is Nigeria, not the United Kingdom. Even those I thought would understand democracy would say to me, “Yes we understand what you are saying, but that’s not how we do it in Nigeria”. Those in government see those of us who insist on democratic principles as enemies. Anyone or anything that is inimical to anything should be eliminated. That you are reading this piece is a clear evidence that our people do not mean it or do not understand the meaning of “Enemy”. Finally I decided to examine how it is done in Nigeria.

I have put in so much effort but have found nothing. I have not found out how it is done in Nigeria. What I have discovered is that those in the political arena make it up as they go along. They change their own rules to favour them. When opponents or the competitions catch up with then, they change the rules again and again.

In the past, political party godfathers would chose their political sons or daughters and then they were foisted on the people. Ballot boxes were stuffed and/or snatched in favour of the selected one. Later on, church thanks giving services would be organised and that act of electoral fraud and treachery, would be dedicated to the glory of God!

Today, it’s no longer called selection, its called “Anointing”. Once one has been anointed, all the other aspirants are expected to close shop and queue behind the anointed one. This anointing is also now followed by a gale of endorsements from various groups, known and previously unknown. Many of these endorsements are quite damaging to the endorsee as they are badly written in poor English language with no substance to the endorsement of mostly people that have not even declared their intention to stand in the election. But it’s not just at the state level as President Jonathan, who has still not declared his intention to stand in the election, is receiving endorsements too.

At this stage, I do not know what name to call the system of government we practice in Nigeria. I would opine that it’s closer to traditional rulership than it is to democracy. So I would say that it’s more like a mixture traditional rulership and a bad military regime. I will mention two facts about our government, or is it an empire which should add to how I would arrive at a name for our peculiar kind of government. The first is that it’s a government run by old men and their women. This is known as gerontocracy. Secondly, It also has a massive dose of religion as the leaders attribute everything to God or evil spirits. It is known as theocracy.

Since the system has no known name, I will try to fashion one. So what do we call the system of Government in Nigeria seeing it’s not democracy?

Gerontocracy + Theocracy = GeronTheocracy

GeronTheocracy is the government of Nigerians by Nigerian Elders and for Nigerian Elders, their friends and families. I have already established that candidates are usually selected and then anointed. After many years of burying my head in the sand like the proverbial ostrich that Nigeria is a democratic nation, I have now come to the realisation that democracy is not a word many of our people understand.

Many Nigerians would come out openly to defend Old men who impose their stooges on us claiming its God’s doing. “It’s God that gives power”, they would say. But just as I decided to shut my mouth about democracy and swallow what Nigerians believe work for them, those who have been defending imposition as God’s handwork are now screaming that imposition is undemocratic! The reason being that their own aspirants have had another aspirant superimposed on them.

What! How can imposition be undemocratic? When did we return to democracy to become a democratic nation? When last did we elect many of our leaders on merit? When did INEC recognise majority votes as the voice of the people?

This is the reason we are now all saying, “They are all the same”. This is nothing but pure and undiluted cop-out! Nigerians, he who stand for nothing gets nothing. Thirteen years of Labour government in the UK, brought the economy on its knees, in the worst recession in modern and peace times.

The British people voted Labour Party out and the Coalition government under a Conservative leadership emerged. They are now taking very difficult decisions and the economy is recovering faster than predicted. But If the British people are no longer happy with the Coalition, they will vote them out and Labour will be back……

That is democratic politics. It’s not church. It’s politics. We must choose one of the parties. “They’re all the same”, is a statement that confronts us as we go knocking on many doors in the UK. But they also know they must choose one or be stuck with one chosen by others.

“They’re all the same”, is now a common saying amongst Nigerians too. But what then do we do? “They’re all the same” is not a registered political party in Nigeria so can never win any election.

It’s through the process of voting the Parties, in and out of power, that change will happen. We cannot afford to stick to one party. Parties may have great ideas but at some point, they run out of steam and ideas.

We must make a choice. We cannot have nothing. It has to be people in PDP or APC or Labour etc. These are the only choices we have been presented. We must hold our noses and support individuals we consider straight enough in this messy political environment. To stand aloof would pertuate, forever, the mess that is our nation today!

Would it be a return to democracy or would we continue with Gerontheocracy? The choice is ours.

Follow me on Twitter @ Laurestar

Email: laurestar@aol.co.uk

That logjam in Taraba

By Mahmud Jega

The last time that I wrote about Taraba State and its politics was in 2008, on the occasion when Governor Danbaba Danfulani Suntai received in audience the Wurkum Elders Association. He used the occasion to issue a blistering threat against his friend turned political opponent Mr Danladi Baido. That was six years ago. I am not happy that I am returning to Taraba State on this page today only to discuss a political and constitutional logjam.

This time around the crisis is not so much about anything that Governor Suntai has said but more about what he has not said, which other people are claiming that he has said but which still other people, notably members of the State House of Assembly, do not believe that he said. Now, in the traumatic business of power transfer, the constitutional process is easy to follow when death comes swiftly to a chief executive. I often thought how lucky Danbaba Suntai was to survive a plane crash when the governor of my native old Sokoto State, Alhaji Shehu Kangiwa, died from a horse accident in 1981.

There was also no succession problem when Yobe State Governor Mamman Bello Ali died in a Florida hospital in 2009. Dr Goodluck Jonathan, who was the Acting President of Nigeria on that day because President Umaru Yar’adua had transmitted a letter to the National Assembly saying he was on leave, ordered deputy governor Ibrahim Gaidam to immediately take the oath of office. Maybe it was a dress rehearsal. I do not think the people who wrote the 1999 constitution of Nigeria ever thought that someone will be an Acting Governor for two years. They also never thought that someone will be a substantive governor when he has not so much as entered the governor’s office in two years.

The Taraba imbroglio is not without precedent, a very ugly one. When President Yar’adua fell very sick in 2009, persons close to him absolutely shut out Nigerians from any information about his state of health. Yar’adua didn’t transmit a letter and was in no state to write or sign one; hence Jonathan became the Acting President only when the National Assembly contrived the “doctrine of necessity.” Things have been made slightly easier in Taraba State because the Constitution has been amended to provide that where the chief executive is unable to transmit a letter within 21 days, the legislature could act and recognise his deputy as acting governor or president.

But for how long should a man act in that capacity? In the civil service an acting appointment is for a maximum period of six months, after which an officer must either be confirmed or he reverts back to his normal position. My first temporary job when I finished secondary school was as receiving clerk at the Sokoto State Public Service Commission, so I knew this matter very well. Later in life, I personally became tangled in the matter of prolonged acting appointment. I was appointed the Acting Editor of New Nigerian in January 2000 and I continued in that capacity for nearly two years. Several times during that period, super permanent secretary and former Secretary to the Federal Government Malam Liman Ciroma called to ask me why I had been acting beyond six months. He said he will draw the Federal Government’s attention to it. When I said our local management was responsible, he said he would to take up the matter with the MD but I urged him not to do so because I didn’t want it to look like I reported the matter to him. Old man Alhaji Garba Umar UTC must be in my shoes now [chuckle].

Only that, in his own case, the governor’s chair is not governed by Public Service Rules. Suntai has been sick for two years now with little sign of improvement in his mental and physical state. One would have thought that, for his own sake and also for the progress of the state, a man in that position should relinquish the office and concentrate instead on regaining his health. However, Suntai is not in a position to resign even if he wants to. Were he to transmit a resignation letter to the State House of Assembly today, good conscience and policy consistency requires that it must be rejected on the same grounds that his letter of “resumption of duty” was rejected. That is, until it can be proved that he actually wrote it. Of course family members and close associates will never permit Suntai to write such a letter, if their conduct so far is any guide.

Which leaves only one option, to follow the route prescribed by the Constitution to declare him incapacitated. This route was embarked upon three weeks ago when the state executive council passed a resolution asking the Speaker of the State Assembly to constitute a medical panel to determine Suntai’s state of health. Speaker Kente has already done so. He selected the panel with an obvious eye to expertise in the relevant area. Its chairman, Professor B.B. Shehu, is one of Nigeria’s most eminent neurosurgeons with a long reach abroad. I heard stories years ago of Nigerian patients with spinal problems who shunned our hospitals and went to Germany, only to be attended to by him! For a man like that, Taraba looks like a surgical piece of cake. Why would anybody stand in the way of a constitutional process to ensure an orderly transfer of power? At the most charitable, it is because family members hope that Governor Suntai may fully recover and return to his office. We would not know what German, American and lately British doctors have told the family about prospects for Suntai’s full recovery but surely time has been lost. Even while he recuperates, there is such a thing as the larger public interest. Taraba is one of the more backward states in Nigeria. Ideally, it needs a leadership that is twice as vigorous as Lagos State’s in order to reduce the development gap. Maybe Alhaji Garba Umar’s smiling face and white goatee beard is not the political answer to the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, but even a slow performing substantive ruler is preferable to the permanent acting situation in Taraba.

Now, a power transfer from Suntai to Umar will entail not only a loss of power by one man, his immediate family, his circle of friends and his political godfather. It is also seen by many people as transfer of power between two religious communities. I do not know the demographic statistics of Taraba State. This is partly because I have not set foot there since September 1990 when, as a cub reporter of Citizen Magazine, I spent a week in Wukari reporting on the Tiv versus Jukun crisis. There was even no Taraba State then. Even from afar though, it looks like the two major religions are heavily represented on Taraba’s mountains and along its rich river valleys. Someone should reassure them that the feeling of communal loss of power is only just that, a feeling.

It is a difficult point to make these days when many Northerners are saying they have been short-changed by Jonathan’s rise to power and are clamouring that power “returns” to them. I, for one, do not participate in clamours for communal power. I do not feel that under Goodluck Jonathan, state power is further away from me than it was when Yar’adua inhabited Aso Rock. The biggest stumbling block to the conclusion of power transfer in Taraba, reporters say, is the state’s most prominent statesman Lt Gen T. Y. Danjuma. Days after Suntai returned to the country in August last year, T.Y. answered a phone call from Alhaji Garba Umar. “Who is it?” he asked sharply, even though phones of nowadays show you the caller’s identity. Umar said, “It is the Acting Governor of Taraba State.” At that, T.Y. deployed a tone and temper fit for the Battle of Uli and shouted into the phone, “My friend, stop parading yourself as the Acting Governor! You are the Deputy Governor! The substantive Governor is back!” Could someone kindly call this statesman to order?

Governance, Protocols, frills and Cost- My Takeaway

By Babatunde Fashola

As we grapple with the challenges of participatory governance and the cost implication of keeping the wheels of government turning, it seems to me that there are little things that can be done that may lead us to big things. I like little things because they are simple to understand. They are also useful for preparing to do big things. One of the little things is the protocols of governance. Is it a frill or a necessity? If it is a necessity, does it apply at all times or at some times? If it applies at some times, have we defined those times, and if we have not, should we not? As I will show later, they have cost consequences, but for now let me get to the specific protocols.

The National Anthem

I know that Section 24 (a) of the Constitution impose an obligation of respect on citizens for the National Anthem whenever it is rendered. The constitution provides, and I paraphrase: “It shall be the duty of every citizen to…respect…the National Anthem…” What the constitution does not provide for, is when the National Anthem should be rendered. Should it happen at every event attended by our president and governors, such as social parties, political party rallies, book launches, conferences, seminars and all types of events to which our public officers are invited?

Should the National Anthem be rendered at the beginning or at the end or at both times, or indeed at any time these public officers arrive even if the event is halfway through and has to be interrupted for the National Anthem, as is sometimes the case? Indeed, there is the wider question about the appropriateness or otherwise of inviting public officers to these events and the infringement on executive time on the one hand, and their own response or refusal to respond on the other hand, and the political costs of their decisions.

How many times are presidents, governors, ministers and commissioners in other parts of the world invited to these functions as ‘chief host’, ‘chief guest of honour’ etc, and what is the impact on national productivity? But this is a matter for another discourse. For now, I will return to the subject of protocols. I must confess that the limited research that I have had the opportunity to conduct has not revealed the existence of any laws or regulations on this matter. But I can assert that these are matters where the federal government, whether through the National Assembly or the Presidency, can help to establish clear guidelines by legislative action or executive orders.

In case you are wondering how this affects the cost of governance, it might interest you to know that people are hired and paid to provide electronic equipment, speakers and amplifiers; and in some cases full bands such as the police, navy, army or prison bands to render the anthem at some of these events. Rental costs, transport costs, honoraria all go into the costs of government where the contract is at the instance of government. The issue therefore is not about rendering of the anthem. It is about direction as to when it is necessary to do so and, consequently, when it is necessary to spend public funds. In Lagos, I have issued an executive order since October 2010 to direct that the rendering of the National Anthem be done by singing rather than by electronic recording of the instrumentation, so that we can at least internalise the words which are rich and inspiring; and in some way hope to act and live those words.

Receiving Visiting Dignitaries at the Airport or Border Post

This is perhaps a more difficult protocol to understand. My attention has not been brought to any clear directive or regulation about what type of dignitary is deserving of an airport reception party or delegation, and if we have identified the dignitary that is deserving, what type of ‘visit’ deserves an airport reception? Is it every visiting head of state who is on a personal visit to our country or a state within it, that should be received by the governor or his designated representative? Is it every time the president visits a state (whether or not on a state visit) that he must be received at the airport by the governor or his delegate, irrespective of the commitments of the state on that date?

Put differently, does every visit, even for a political rally, qualify as a state visit? In other words, if a governor and a president are of opposing parties, should the governor go to receive the president when he comes to that state to campaign to defeat the party of the governor? What is the appropriate protocol when governors of opposing parties visit each other’s states for campaign rallies? What kind of reception should they get at the airport? It might surprise members of the public that a serving governor is raising these issues. The truth is they are simple, as I have said. But I am not aware that there are clear or set rules on the matter.

When you factor the number of vehicles that are deployed from one end of town to the other, the cost of fuel, the man hours lost, the work not done, the gridlock that characterises VIP movements and the cost of governance in actual terms and in lost opportunities, you are likely to see the point that small things are simple, but very important, because they accumulate to big things. Personally, speaking for myself, the only reception I expect at the airport is the vehicle that will take me to my destination. But my personal disposition cannot be the rule.

Salutations, Public Speaking and VIPS

“All protocols observed.” That must be a familiar phrase. To my mind, this is uniquely Nigerian, as I do not know any other country where this is done. Why is this important? It consumes time, it diminishes the real message, confuses people, and it is expensive.

Time Consumption

I think the accepted practice from where these protocols originated is to acknowledge the most senior public office holder, your host, if you are a guest at the event, to end by saying “distinguished ladies and gentlemen”. The truth is that if you are at any event worthy of the name and you do not find yourself able to fit into the class of those addressed as “distinguished ladies and gentlemen” then you are probably undeserving of being at the event. I once attended an event in “you know where”, and it took all of one hour and seven or so minutes to recognise all the guests and address protocols before the event started. Our country is behind on many developmental fronts, and we must be seen to seek to gain time, optimize its value and avoid waste of time, because the world will not slow down or wait for us. Time is the REAL MONEY.

Message Diminishes

It is now customary for aides of public officers to go ahead of them and write down a list of VIPs to be recognised by their principal before he gives his speech. Because we are all VIPs with brittle ego that have become bigger than ourselves, we take offence when our names are not mentioned. My stomach turns when I see aides of public officers, getting on the podium after their principal has commenced his address to pass notes of names of persons he did not acknowledge or even walking behind him on stage back and forth. Only in Nigeria.

Somebody (not one of my staff) once walked on to the stage while I was speaking, to pass me a note that I did not mention a particular public servant’s name. I believe he now knows better not to do it again. It is nothing but bad behaviour. What you then see is a protocol list that is two pages long which the speaker must go through before his message. In the event he first gets a huge applause for reading people’s names, and it may be either the speaker’s biggest applause for the day: because there may really be no message thereafter or “it is lost”. Try to see if you can connect this with idea of “Talk Shops”. When you evaluate what has come out in terms of development or quotable quotes that are indigenous, from the many conferences, summits and seminars that we hold. Put the best of these seminars together, and see if you can find the value that they have delivered in terms of speeches and contents.

Confuses People

Everybody now apologises for messing up the protocol or mixing it up simply because we have not stayed with the simple one of “Distinguished ladies and gentlemen”. Instead, after going through a two-page long list of names, we then say “All protocols observed”. This in itself is contradictory in my humble view. If you choose to observe all protocols, it should automatically dispense with the need or desire to mention anybody by name.

Expensive

I take this opportunity to suggest for our consideration a draft like the one below as a full version: “Mr President/ Governor (if he is the most senior public officer present or represented), Your Excellencies (to cover vice-president/deputy governors, and other governors, diplomats present), Your royal majesties/highness (to cover traditional institutions where present) Distinguished ladies and gentlemen.”

It seems to me that in this its longest format (which may be shorter, where some classes of people are not present), we can dispense with salutation protocols in under one minute and save a lot of time and money. These uncertainties about protocols of governance make it difficult to totally disagree with those who contend that our democracy is nascent. That said, it must be beyond contention that their resolution is one of the challenges that we must overcome in our democratic journey. As we seek to rebuild our union and renew our nation, we must find consensus on these little issues because they have larger consequences on time management, productivity and national development

Fashola is Lagos state governor

Nigeria: Leaving it to God since....1960

By Prince Charles Dickson

"Just leave am for god, Amadi Ora"

It was October 1st, and trust me, many parts of Nigeria was green and white, some parents went the extra mile, dying their kids hair the national color, my own kids went to a party and came back with a green and white faces.

In Abuja, the nation's capital very many cars had flags flying, whether at full or half-mast it was inconsequential. Activists, Unionists and leaders of all shades had a word or two to say, radio and television had Independence Day tailored programs, and Newspapers had commentaries from my comrades in pen arm.

The message was basically of two kinds--Hope and Despair: For the hopeful, you could not discount their pride in the Nigerian spirit. And for those that despaired, the tales of woes where inevitable, and you dare add true.

Many compared the nation to the 54-year-old crawling man, others said; the fact that we are still a nation is a miracle and a plus.

And prompt, talking about miracles, my eye caught the attention of a friend's comment, "just leave am for god", Amadi Ora said "the damage this singular statement has done us in this country is immeasurable!"

I could not but agree, as I reflected on that comment, Sallah was upon us as a nation, and I decided that without sounding like some episcopal theologian or expert in religion my admonition will take this dimension.

Kindly and patiently follow me...Are you a Christian, did you eat Sallah meat?

I enjoyed my childhood so much that most times I detest growing up and old. If there was a reason I did not like failing in school, especially any term that preceded the festive period, it was because I hated missing the visits and festive roaming because of poor performance reprimands.

Those visits were worth the fun of a whole year.

Like Christmas, Ileya (Eid-el-Kabir) used to be fun for us, even though we were/are Christians. We would put on our best clothes and go visiting our family members and friends who were Muslims, they who would do same during Christmas.

The only difference I knew that existed between a Christian and a Muslim, then, was the place of worship; we went to church; they went to the mosque. Shikena!

Every year, our freezer and pots would be filled with “Rago leya, nama Sallah or Eran Ileya” (Sallah Meat) that would last several days after the celebration was over. I could recount the names of those who would bring “abinchin Sallah or ounje odun” and at what time it would be.

Any knock on our door, after the family altar, would usher in the first set of pounded yam and greatly garnished Egusi soup (a special recipe reserved only for that season).

Later to be followed by a variety of rice and meat from different cooks. But as we started growing, things changed.

There is this hypothesis forbidding the eating of “such meats”. Some tag it “meat offered to idols” while some just hate the fact that it was a ram.

Some people would eat the chicken and the cow meat served on Sallah day but not the ram (though all came from the same pot). I have no intention of going into the theology of difference in Gods of Christians and Muslims.

The crux of this piece is not to establish whether eating Sallah meat is right or wrong for a Christian! On the contrary, as time past, with numerous ethno-religious crisis, with building hatred, with the 'Islamic' agenda, with the "Christians" have it spirit. With who took us to OIC and who should bring us out taking center stage, with how many Muslims have been IG, or how many Christians would be ABU vice chancellor becoming the issues, suddenly we are not sure what to leave to God and what not to leave to Him.

Leaders stole us to the gutters, we left it to god in establishing the ethnicity of the thief, and we refuse to leave it with God when it came to the faith of the thief.

Did we leave Ebola to God, or we left it to fate, is the light (electricity) meant for Nigerians in the hands of god, have we left our courage to god, in return for cowardice.

Let me cap it all with this story. When I was teaching in a private nursery and primary school, I had both Christian and Muslim students in my primary 1 class.

On resumption after a Sallah break, one of the kids ran to me with a parcel of meat and said excitedly, “Uncle, I brought this for you”. Would you have expected me to reject such from a kid whose sole understanding of Sallah was a period of celebration just like birthday or Xmas and a time to share with his loved ones?

Nigerians are so religions yet with no godliness, we live in an era of mutual suspicion, we have lost our innocence from the moment we started leaving what God intended for us to do, in the hands of god.

So, while the flag glowed in the blazing sun, and I remain an unrepentant optimist yet a cautious one about the Nigeria dream, while I ate my Sallah meat till my tooth ached, and though I still expect the main Sallah meat from you, I reflected that on the 1st October there was no flag flying hoisted anywhere around Nigeria’s foremost Independence Square—The Tafawa Balewa Square, could it be that, we equally left that to God…while we bicker on whether to eat Sallah ram together as a nation, one wonders when we will get it right—Only time will tell.

NB

Kindly note my use of both capitals and small letters in spelling “GOD” at different times, it is deliberate.

Yours in High Regards

Prince Charles Dickson, 234-8033311301, 8057152301

Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso: Nigerian Political Messiah

By Mubarak Anwar Rijiyarlemo

Nigeria is third among the countries with most poor people on the planet having garnered 7% of world poor people according to World Bank. By and large the so called giant of Africa become a country with largest refugees in Africa and also ranked third globally superseding the failed state of Somalia.

Due to collapsed and collapsing institutions of development across the nation in the hand of the ruling party since the return of democracy in 1999, Nigerians would not be blamed if they agitate for positive change in their efforts to save their nation from the hand of inept and callous politicians who have sunk the country in the ocean of corruption.

As the election year draws nearer, the indefatigable defender of common man and governor of the most populous state of Kano, Rabi’u Kwankwaso remains the best option for vulnerable and good Nigerians who admires to see the nation revamped and rescued from the hand of PDP that planted the nation in the hot desert of chaos.

For positive political change, Nigerians must unite to vote out the raining regime like how we teamed up against EVD in order to save our father’s land from dreadful quagmire.

Jonathan’s regime is nothing but bunch of corrupt politicians, those people have turned our nation into one of the most disorderly nations in the world, one of the most corrupt, insensitive and one of insufficient places under the sun.

Kwankwaso, the perspicacious leader of Kano has become a yard stick for most states across the federation in view of his heavy and abundant projects across the nook and crannies of the state despite limited resources.

In the hand of pioneer of new North-West and KUST universities, Kano would soon over take Ekiti in terms of number of professors in view of the more than 2000 students sponsored to pursue MSc and PhD globally by his government, more than the amount sponsored by federal government.

“Owner of the room knew where it leaks” according to Hausa adage, Kwankwaso declared and implements free education in Kano and set to send 121 HND distinction and upper credits graduates to abroad for Msc in October.

Youths of Nigeria would smile if Kwankwaso come to power in 2015 more than how people of Kano are smiling, he has zero tolerance to corruption, job creation, farming and security are his priority.

The hydro electric power stations at Tiga and Challawa constructed by Kwankwaso are set to gear up in January next year which would generate thousands of jobs and revive the economy of commercial city of Kano which clearly indicates power problems is going to be history if Nigerians vote Kwankwaso in coming election.

Kano is becoming the Dubai of sahel while united Nigeria will rub shoulders with developed countries in the hand of visionary leadership of Kwankwaso in a short period.

Dirty, callous, noisy and ostentatious politicians shielded by government of president Jonathan in exchange of their support in coming election would have no iota of space to loot public treasury if Rabi’u Kwankwaso takes the mantle of leadership in Nigeria comes 2015.

Give us Kwankwaso for better Nigeria. God bless Nigeria.

Twitter: @mubarakovic

Facebook: MubarakAnwar/facebook

Who is afraid of Muhammadu Buhari?

By Simon Kolawole

The moment millions of Nigerians have been waiting for is finally within touching distance. You know it: that moment when the opponent of President Goodluck Jonathan in the February 14, 2015 presidential election will be known. And that candidate has to come from the All Progressives Congress (APC), the biggest opposition party in the history of our democracy – judging by the number of states controlled and the legislative seats occupied. I expect one of the toughest presidential elections ever. I pray for an election that is very competitive and credible, hopefully in continuation of the tradition that we have established since 2011.

Although Jonathan has not officially declared his intention, I can bet my wristwatch on it that he will seek re-election. As far as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is concerned, Jonathan’s candidacy is settled. It is the APC that has a heavyweight battle in its hands, with Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari and former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar eyeing the ticket. Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso of Kano is also interested. Senator Bukola Saraki may be interested. I am not ready to discuss Hon. Aminu Waziri Tambuwal until I see a broom in his hand.

It would appear the strongest candidate in the APC is Buhari. Without disrespect to other aspirants, Buhari easily stands out for many reasons. No one has successfully maligned his integrity. His lifestyle exudes discipline and modesty. President Olusegun Obasanjo put this to the test when he probed the Petroleum (Special) Trust Fund headed by Buhari from 1994-1999. Nothing was found on him. The first panel found nothing. Dissatisfied, Obasanjo set up another panel. The result still came out negative.

In public service experience, Buhari has it more than any other APC member. He was a military governor of what are today six states; he was minister of petroleum resources; he was military head of state; and he was PTF chairman. That is a rich pedigree. In 2003, he won 12 million votes virtually all by himself. In 2011, he also won 12 million votes without a discernible political structure beyond the street appeal. I don’t see any APC aspirant who has a more seductive CV. In Buhari, APC has a man of character, experience and significant street following. I say this without prejudice to the qualities and pedigrees of the other APC aspirants.

If Buhari’s uniqueness is so obvious, why are the APC kingmakers not too enthusiastic about him? An APC chieftain told me recently: “We cannot win with Buhari -and we cannot win without him.” To strip that statement naked, he was simply saying the party needs Buhari’s support base to win but Buhari himself cannot win as a candidate. Several arguments have been developed against Buhari, notably about his age, the perception of him as a religious extremist, his failures at the poll at three previous attempts, the need for young blood in a hi-tech world, and his promise not to run again after the 2011 poll -for which some are now calling his integrity to question.

In truth, there are some fears that are not openly expressed. There is a latent fear among the political elite that a Buhari presidency would endanger them. He may choose to prosecute the very persons who helped him to power -if only to prove a point that he cannot tolerate corruption. Many Nigerians are already questioning the company Buhari is keeping, believing that his character risks contamination. Traditional rulers are afraid that the goodies that flow uninvited into their palaces may cease, while the political class cannot imagine how miserable their lives could be under Buhari. They don’t say that openly, though.

In the South-west, which could make a Buhari presidency possible, the unspoken word is that a vice-presidential slot, even though attractive, may end up meaning nothing. Some think the North simply wants power back -every other position is irrelevant. It is feared by some politicians that if Buhari becomes president, it is one of this trusted associates that will be running the show, no matter who is vice-president. References are often made to the Second Republic when Alhaji Umaru Dikko, a minister, was effectively an alternate president to Alhaji Shehu Shagari.

The fear of a perceived aggressive and vindictive “northernisation agenda” is also being raised in hushed tones by many Yoruba leaders, with frequent references to how former President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua filled the most important positions in his government with appointees from the Katsina-Kano axis, and how he stopped picking Obasanjo’s calls three months after assuming office. There is a fear that Buhari may “cage” Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as soon as he gets to Aso Rock. All these things are being whispered, of course. But the fear is real.

Meanwhile, in Jonathan’s circle, Buhari is also feared. But the fear is not so much about Buhari defeating the president in the contest -they think, rightly or wrongly, that they have mastered a way of defeating him. They believe the best moment for Buhari was in 2011 and having failed, he has lost the momentum. A minister told me last week that the greatest worry about a Buhari candidacy is post-election violence. “Buhari’s supporters are one-dimensional and fanatical. The only thing they want to hear is that their man has won, if not there will be trouble,” he said.

In the APC, those who don’t want Buhari are secretly wishing that he would make his “crowd” available to whoever is picked as the party’s candidate. That means, for instance, that if Atiku picks the ticket, Buhari should hop on his campaign train and market him to his supporters across the Northern states. Interesting. If his supporters are indeed one-dimensional, then Buhari raising anyone else’s hands will not pacify them. To them, it is Buhari or nothing. It is also feared that if Buhari does not get the ticket, he may defect to another party to run. If that happens, the opposition should officially declare Jonathan as the run-away winner of the 2015 poll.

I am excited, as a journalist and analyst, watching the 2015 intrigues unfold day by day. I am eagerly awaiting the twists and the turns. I want to witness all the drama, hopefully without any tragic subplot. With PDP and its allies likely to control 22 states heading into 2015 -leaving APC with just 14 states -the opposition should be clear about one thing: they are not going into the elections as favourites. It is going to be titanic battle. Their performance will rely heavily on how they manage the presidential primary and its fall-outs. APC came out of their June national convention a bit fractured.

Going forward, APC should know that it is in their interest to realistically manage their Buhari fears. Any misstep will be their doom. Meanwhile, PDP seems to be in rude health, and they too will be watching the Buhari scenario with a combination of anxiety and amusement. Let the game begin!

Eid-El-Kabir Message to the Nation From Pres. Jonathan

By President Goodluck Jonathan

Dear Compatriots,

I greet and felicitate with all our countrymen and women of the Islamic faith as we celebrate this year’s Eid-El-Kabir.

I also congratulate all believers who have successfully undertaken the Hajj this year as enjoined by Prophet Mohammed (May Peace Be Upon Him).

As they conclude the rites of the Hajj and prepare to return home, let us all join them in offering special prayers for greater security, peace, unity and progress in our dear country as well as for the peaceful and successful conduct of next year’s general elections.

With this week’s issuance of a formal notice of the impending general elections by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), another national campaign season is now truly upon us and I urge all political leaders in the country to place the overriding interest of the well-being and progress of our fatherland above all other considerations in the coming campaigns and elections.

My administration has done its sincere best in the past four years to implement its agenda for national transformation and move our country forward on several fronts.

I thank the many individuals, stakeholders, groups, associations, non-governmental organisations, unions and political leaders from across the country who have, in recognition and appreciation of our efforts and commitment to repositioning our dear nation for more rapid growth and development, urged me to seek a second term in office.

In deciding on an appropriate response to such calls, I will place the greater interests of national harmony, cohesion, unity, security, political stability, progress, equity, justice and fairness above any personal ambition or sectional agenda.

I urge all other political leaders in the country to do the same. Let us all rise above unedifying, unpatriotic and selfish personal interests and divisive sectional agenda in the coming national elections.

Let us also commit ourselves more to the sustenance of democracy and political stability which are essential prerequisites for the advancement of good governance, inclusive economic growth and rapid development.

In spite of the significant progress we have made in the past four years, our dear nation continues to face critical challenges in some areas. I am convinced however that if we persevere and continue to build diligently on what the present administration has achieved, we will surely overcome all hindrances and fully establish a stronger, more united and prosperous nation that meets the aspirations and yearnings of all of our people.

As we celebrate the Eid-El-Kabir, let us also rededicate and commit ourselves to the Holy Prophet’s injunctions of piety, honesty, charity and generosity to the less privileged, impartial leadership and true justice for all.

These virtues and lessons will surely stand our nation in good stead as we continue our journey towards the fulfillment of our founding fathers’ vision of a great nation.

May Allah’s blessings be upon all our compatriots who have undertaken the Hajj this year and on our dear country.

I wish all Nigerians currently in the Holy Land a safe journey back home.

Happy Eid-El-Kabir to you all!

Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, GCFR

President, Federal Republic of Nigeria

INEC and 2015: On your Marks....Ready....Set....Go!!!

By For A Corrupt-Free Nigeria

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Wednesday flagged off the contests for the 2015 polls, with the issuance of the notice on elections slated to take place in February 2015.

The notice, as contained in the INEC guidelines, is in line with Section 30 (1) of the Electoral Act.

According to the timetable also released yesterday morning to political parties, they have between October 2 and December 31 to conduct primaries to choose their candidates for the general election.

The commission also officially released the guidelines for the conduct of the 2015 general election to the 25 registered political parties in the country.

Already, some of the political parties like the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have released their guidelines and timetables for the conduct of their presidential, governorship and legislative primaries.

In the notice of elections posted on its website, the commission said: “In accordance with Section 30 of the Electoral Act (as amended), notice is hereby given that election to the following offices shall hold as follows: the presidential and National Assembly elections shall take place on February 14, 2015 and the governorship and state Houses of Assembly elections shall take place on February 28, 2015.”

According to the Electoral Act, INEC is expected to not less than 90 days to the conduct of the general election, release the timetable for the elections to the political parties.

By implication, the commission has effectively lifted the embargo on political activities for the 2015 general election, as political parties will be expected to conduct primaries for the various elective offices between October 2 and December 31.

The Chief Press Secretary to the INEC Chairman, Kayode Idowu, who confirmed this on the phone, said this was in compliance with the Electoral Act.

“This is what the Electoral Act says. The guidelines were released to the political parties this morning; this were the same guideline we released in January this year,” Kayode disclosed.

The commission on Tuesday had held its quarterly meeting with leaders of the political parties where issues relating to guidelines on the conduct of party primaries and the newly created polling units were discussed.

2015 big sell: Between Jonathan and Buhari

By Dr. Bisi Olawunmi

With President Goodluck Jonathan’s endorsement for a second term by his party, the Peoples Democratic Party, the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria is shaping up to be a marketing contest, the big sell, of the candidates. It promises to be a time when creative framing of the contest will be decisive. With barely five months to the February 14, 2015 presidential election, it is apt to do a comparative analysis of how sellable the two front runners, in the race – incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan of the PDP and Gen. Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressives Congress – are.

President Jonathan has two major advantages over any other opponent – name recognition and the power of incumbency which affords him the leverage to create dramatic events and make policy decisions that can advance his chances at the polls. If, for instance, he musters the courage to further reduce fuel price, induce accelerated trial and eventual jailing of fuel subsidy scammers, sack police commissioners in states where kidnapping has become thriving business, and get the army to take the fight to the Boko Haram insurgents, he can fairly blunt his perception as a fumbling, ‘clueless’ anti-people leader who gives no damn about the suffering of the masses. It can also begin to indicate that he has not been in consort with, or a patron saint of, the corrupt oligarchy. The poser is: Can he? Of course, no leader at the level of the Presidency will not have ‘achievements’ to celebrate. The task for Jonathan’s marketing agents – and we have a plethora of them with the rambunctious Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria taking the cake – is itemising those populist programmes and projects which have ‘transformed’ the peoples’ lives. Statistics don’t sell with the masses; what are those Jonathan policy measures which touch lives of citizens, directly. What are the tangibles?

However, one achievement President Jonathan can rightly boast of is being a democrat, allowing the people’s will to prevail in elections, by citing the governorship elections in Edo, Ondo, Anambra, Ekiti states and most recently Osun State, the so-called militarisation of the process in the last two states notwithstanding. Also, there is, to some extent, the perception of President Jonathan as being tolerant of criticisms going by the stridency of some of his critics, which occasionally degenerate to name calling, with some columnists tagging him as ‘clueless’ and a serpent. In fact, it would appear that some columnists seem bent on provoking him to get them clamped in detention and flaunt that as a badge honour, a testimony of their courage! He has generally refused to oblige them. Critics, however, justify their attacks on the argument that not only the power and glamour of office but also the punches come with the territory. Maybe, they have a point. Sometimes, the Reuben Abatis of this world don’t help matters when they project President Jonathan as Plato’s infallible philosopher king, or better still King Ebele 1 of Nigeria, before whom all must prostrate in obeisance!! Kabiyesi o! (Hail, the King!)

Our president says he is not a Pharaoh or a general and projects as your regular, unpretentious village boy. Let no one be deceived. It is becoming obvious that behind his manufactured humble mien, there lurks a strong-willed streak and a cunning which neutralise opposition without being seen as a demolishing Leviathan, a bulldozer. You remember that the general turned-farmer, who became a two-term president and brashly showed us he was a power hurricane? The Otueke village boy has quietly humbled him, without a fuss. Just as he has neutralised those vociferous Arewa Consultative Forum grandstanders most of whom are yesterday’s men seeking relevance in today’s politics. Now, folk, when last did you read or hear of Adamu Ciroma, the former Arewa ‘Sheikh,’ in the public sphere? The saturation campaign of Jonathan’s foot soldiers, nationwide, has had the effect of intimidating potential challengers in his party, the PDP, thus leading to his unanimous adoption as party presidential candidate. The continuing saturation awareness campaign strategy is also intended to numb the people to feel there is no effective, alternative choice in the opposition to his candidacy. Those not sold on Candidate Jonathan may choose not to vote, but then even a 30 per cent voter turnout does not invalidate the election. It is a situation where voter apathy may work to Jonathan’s advantage. After all, is democracy not turning into a rule of the minority?

Now to Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (retd.). How do we place this general in terms of electoral permutation and marketing?

Gen. Buhari, in terms of name recognition, personal integrity and consistency is the most sellable candidate for the APC. But a Buhari presidential bid suffers two major setbacks – that of limited time to project himself as well as frame the campaign issues and an apparent funding limitation. The procrastination of his party, the APC, in projecting him as the putative candidate, has not helped matters, thus allowing all kinds of political opportunists to jostle for the party’s presidential ticket under a nebulous internal democracy mantra. It is turning out a chaotic terrain, especially with some party leaders and APC sympathetic columnists articulating weird presidential ticket permutations, including that of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwal, a PDP stalwart, as the party’s presidential candidate, if he defects. It does not get more desperate and befuddled!

There is also an unexplainable lethargy in the APC awareness campaign nationwide. As noted by Tatalo Alamu in his Snooper column in The Nation on Sunday of August 31, 2014, “like an overweight sprinter, the APC has been slow to get off the starting block.” It is rather ludicrous seeing APC’s spokesmen whining that Jonathan’s foot soldiers shouldn’t be on the campaign trail. Who is stopping the APC from following suit? It would appear the Buhari strategists suffer the same lethargy, like the party, in getting a Buhari saturation awareness campaign off the block. It ignores two realities – that a presidential election is a marathon, not a 100 meters dash and that at presidential election level, the candidate, not the party, is the focal point. That is why it is now more of selling the candidate, his persona, his credibility.

The main advantage and attraction of a Buhari candidacy, and putative Presidency, is his perception as an incorruptible person who can be trusted to confront the cancer of corruption that is ravaging the country, head on. It is the one issue which, properly articulated, and coupled with that of insecurity, can determine the presidential election outcome in Buhari’s favour. This is where framing the election issue becomes crucial. Two American presidential elections were determined, basically, on just one issue each – weak leadership in the Carter-Reagan 1980 election and insecurity/crime in the Bush versus Dukakis election in 1988. I covered both election campaigns, live. The Chibok girls’ abduction by Boko Haram insurgents is a scene reminiscent of Iranian militants holding Americans hostage at the U.S Embassy in Tehran in 1979 for several months up to Election Day in November 1980 which projected President Jimmy Carter to the American people as a weak leader who cannot assert American power to free the hostages. Then Governor Ronald Reagan, who had vowed to confront the Iranians with the American might, whatever it takes, won the election in a landslide, Carter winning only in two of the 50 states – his native Georgia and Minnesota, the state of his running mate, Walter Mondale. The Iranians released the hostages barely hours after President Reagan was sworn in on January 20, 1981. In the 1988 electoral battle between Vice President George H.W. Bush (Republican) and the Governor of Massachusetts, Michael Dukakis (Democrat), the Bush campaign turned the table on front runner Dukakis by projecting him as soft on crime and liberal with criminals, exemplifying this with Dukakis’ granting of parole to a jailed rapist, Willie Horton, in Massachusetts only for the convict to go to Maryland state to commit another rape. Although Governor Dukakis engineered economic renewal of Massachusetts State, and promised similar economic miracle nationwide, the Bush campaign framed the election as a security/crime issue and vigorously projected a crime-ridden America under a Dukakis Presidency which persuaded the American people to vote for security, thus ending the presidential hopes of Dukakis. It was a classic example of campaign issue framing.

Both Candidate Jonathan and Gen. Buhari, favoured to emerge as APC’s presidential candidate, carry some baggage. Given Nigeria’s state of insecurity and rampant corruption, which are generally seen to have worsened under Jonathan’s watch, President Jonathan’s re-election becomes a hard sell to the Nigerian electorate, while the perception of Buhari, in some quarters, as a religious fanatic and northern irredentist are burdens he would need to discharge. Buhari also suffers the additional disadvantage of limited campaign penetration, which can, however, be mitigated if creative campaigning is applied in the time available. Ultimately, two factors will be decisive in the 2015 presidential election – voter turnout and perception management. In the 2011 presidential election, 38.2 million people voted as against 66.8 million registered voters, representing about 55 per cent voter turnout. The party that can mobilise more of its supporters to cast their ballots will be at an advantage. On perception management, a projection of President Jonathan as a seemingly ‘harmless’ person who flows with the tide may attract a ‘let him be’ vote for a second term from an indulgent electorate while a vigorous marketing of Buhari as a selfless patriot, the liberator from the bondage of corruption and insecurity could persuade the voters to cast their ballots for the ascetic general. It is a potential cliff hanger. However, given the imponderables of politics, anything can happen, between now and the February 14, 2015 vote, to change the calculations.

Dr. Bisi Olawunmi, Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Bowen University, Iwo, Osun State, is former Washington Correspondent of the News Agency of Nigeria. Email: olawunmibisi@yahoo.com SMS ONLY : 0803 364 7571.

$9.3m: Between Pastor Oritsejafor and Nigerian Christians

By Bitrus Edward Gwadah

Since the matter of the 9.3 million dollars broke, the following facts have been established: An aircraft owned by one Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor, the current President of the Christian Association of Nigeria (or what is left of it), flew into the Republic of South Africa and landed in one of its private airports. The aircraft had three passengers, and upon a search, was found to be carrying, inter alia, the sum of $9.3million in cash.

The cash was not declared, either in Nigeria or upon landing in South Africa, in violation of the local laws of both Nigeria and South Africa, and international laws and conventions.Accordingly, the South African authorities arrested the vessel and detained both the illicit cargo and the suspicious passengers.When questions were raised by the South African authorities and Nigerians:Pastor Oritsejafor, through his PR wizards has admitted ownership of the aircraft, but denies all knowledge of its cargo, its passengers and its mission in South Africa. He claims that the aircraft was leased to a company in which Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor owns substantial shares, and the aircraft had then been subsequently hired by those found in it in South Africa.

The Federal Government of Nigeria then stepped in to fill in the blanks: It says the aircraft was on a mission to purchase arms and military equipment to enhance the prosecution of the war against the Boko Haram insurgents in Nigeria. The FGN further named the organization in South Africa who had the supply contract, and to whom the $9.3million was being delivered. The FGN affirmed that the $9.3million belongs to the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

The South African authorities then disclosed that the named vendor/ contractor was neither known nor licensed to deal in the equipment the Nigerian Government was talking about.

On his part, Pastor Oritsejafor continues to play Ananias. The CAN leadership and members continue to play the proverbial monkey. While the elephants dig deeper into their positions, the matter is having a field day in the People’s Court. Many less informed Muslims have since come to the conclusion that this is what they have suspected all along: these Christians have been amassing arms to kill Muslims. Like,”Haba! We have been telling you all this time and you will not believe. Now Nko?” The Catholic community have rushed to an established alibi - we suspended our participatory membership of CAN since the imposition of Pastor Oritsejafor. But Bishop Kaigama helped the matter somewhat by adding that Pastor Oritsejafor was not acting on behalf of Nigerian Christians.

A certain ubiquitous group of Christian/Muslim Initiative has since surfaced, in defence of “The Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor we know.” The “knowledge” was attested to by two Alhazai and one Ustaz. (My friends who are exemplary Muslims were very embarrassed by the content of the paid advert.) Is there anything our Nigerians will not sell for money? Members of the Red Chamber shot down debate on the matter, citing security concerns, amid allegations of bribes having been given and taken.

Other Nigerians have called for a probe of the entire saga. While I appreciate the concern of those calling for a probe, I should ask them to point out how many probes ordered by Governments in this country have ever been published or the results acted upon. In this case the federal government will more than welcome the idea of a probe, because it saves both time and face. I do not support the idea of a probe. Instead, I will like to directly appeal to the Nigerian Christian community, those who understand what it means to be “called by his name”.

First, let us together reflect, very briefly on the facts. Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor has lied. His CAN image launderers have lied. There is no Christian worthy of that name that can sincerely defend Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor on what the facts reveal. Christians remember what the Ananias couple told the disciples and the instant consequences that befell the couple. Our lord says in the Bible ... ”I am against those ... who cause my people to err by their lies and by their recklessness”. In the book of Jeremiah, God set out the following characteristics of the kind of leaders He would replace and punish: “Leaders who destroy their people instead of developing them. Leaders who scatter their people instead of uniting them in a cause. Leaders who abandon their people instead of remaining responsible. Leaders who act in self-serving and unjust ways instead of standing for the truth. Leaders who lie as though there was no God. Leaders who lead their people astray instead of guiding them into security. Leaders who foster evil and deceit instead of integrity and honesty. Leaders who fill people with false hope rather than speaking God’s word.”

God didn’t merely threaten to remove bad leaders, but he also promised to raise righteous leaders to guide the people in the right way. So, Nigerian Christian leaders, how about it? Those so called elder statesmen who are Christians, those political leaders who profess to represent Christ, but who have maintained a deafening silence should accept the challenge and speak up. Judgement should begin in the house of the Lord. Where are the Jerry Ganas and the Okos and the Danjumas and the Marks? Ask the Venerable Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor, in the name of the one who will judge us all, to resign his position as President of CAN, so that this useful organization can rediscover its objects and ideals for the good of Nigerians. His congregation can keep him if they so desire, but other members of CAN, on the authority of the Word of God, do not want him as president.

Nigerians are watching, the world is watching. Have we not been a laughing stock long enough? In the matter of the $9.3million and Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor, the ball is in the court of Nigerian Christians. What would the verdict be?

Gwadah can be reached at b2gwadah@yahoo.com

Born to rule appellation; Blackmail against northern elites by diversionary agents

By Abdurrahman Agboola

“The truth, crushed to the earth, will surely rise again” is a maxim that exposes the short reign of falsehood over truth, suffice to say that irrespective of the intensity of confusions caused by falsehood, it cannot stand the test of time. As a result of the long reign of personalities of Northern extraction at the helms of affairs of our dear Country, the diversionary agents with intentions to exonerate the real detractors that derailed the cause of good governance in Nigeria have spread and hanged the wrong notion of born to rule mentality on the Northern elites.

Muhammadu Buhari's poster By the formation of Nigeria, every qualified citizen possesses a right to aspire for political office as provided by a system of government inherent in our Constitution at any point in time. It is worthy to note that the bid of notable democrats from Northern Nigeria for the Office of the President in recent time has been meted with campaign of calumny by propagandists and sinister forces maligning the North by portraying the Northern elites as being desperate for power with the mentality of “born to rule”. This unfounded propaganda is indeed a calculated attempt to sow seed of discord among the adherents of an egalitarian society with equal opportunities for all Nigerians.

To put the record straight on this propaganda, it is imperative to analyse some events and occurrences within the corridor of power in the early Nigeria to defuse the misconceptions arising from brainwashing of the unsuspecting masses by the beneficiaries of rancor and promoters of the division of the country along ethnic and religion partitions. It is equally important to dissect some of the intricacies involved in the formation of the country at independence in 1960.

The country started with a parliamentary system of government with three regions known as Northern, Eastern and Western Regions. The struggle for the position of Prime Minister was between Alhaji Tafawa Balewa of the Northern Region and Chief Obafemi Awolowo of the Western Region, where Chief Nnamdi Azikwe of the Eastern Region, who eventually emerged as the Ceremonial President in 1960, aligned with Alhaji Tafawa Balewa to defeat Chief Obafemi Awolowo at the election for Prime Minister, leading to the emergence of Chief Awolowo as opposition leader at the Federal Parliament. This analysis is to confirm that the emergence of a Northern person as the prime minister of the country at independence was made possible by the people of the Eastern region.

The alliance between the Eastern region and the Northern region against the Western region eventually led to the emergence of a status quo in the leadership of the country in 1963, when the country became a republic. In the cause of administration, the Prime Minister was more powerful than the President, a normal dictate of the Parliamentary System of Government, which led to ill-feelings among the people of Eastern region that believed their brother, in the capacity of President, ought to call the shots.

Bickering started over the outcome of the 1963 population census which the Igbos thought overestimated the population of Northern people to the give the Northern region more population in the Federal Parliament. The change from a parliamentary to a presidential system of government was partly premised on that ground, but not without terror on the country by the aggrieved Igbo nationalities.

On 15th January, 1966, Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, a Nigerian of Igbo extraction from the Eastern region with support of Igbo nationalities, led the first military coup that killed many leaders of both the Northern and Western Regions including but not limited to the Prime Minister, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Premier from the Northern region and Chief Samuel Akintola, Premier, Western region. In the same coup, top army officers from the North and West were killed while the Premier of the Eastern region, Igbo army chiefs, and other leaders from the East were spared by the coup executioners.

The coup foisted General Aguiyi Ironsi on the country as the Head of State to the satisfaction of the people of Eastern region. On 18th January, 1966 the leader of the coup, Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, was arrested in Lagos in the company of another Igbo citizen, Lt Col. Conrad Nwawo. The Head of State, General Aguiyi Ironsi, also an Igbo man, showed leniency to the arrested culprits to the chagrin and disappointments of other nationalities, an action that indicted him as part of the coup.

With the reality of the underlining motives of those who gruesomely murdered Northern and Western leaders in their conspiracy coup to be in control of the country at the expense of other nationalities, other nationalities resiliently repelled the coup on 29th July, 1966 and restored sanity to the nation with the emergence of Major General Yakubu Gowon as the Head of State. Lt Col Emeka Ojukwu as the head of the Eastern region, in a premeditated manner facilitated the transfer of Kaduna Nzeogwu from Maximum Security Prison Kirikiri in Lagos to Nigeria Prison, Enugu and later released him in April 1967 in his preparation for the civil war later declared on the country by Lt Col Emeka Ojukwu.

The administration of General Gowon declared commitment and dedication to the return of power to the civilian government and moved to split the four existing regions to 12 states in 1967. The leader of the Eastern region rejected the proposal with his declaration of Biafra Republic in a violent manner that led to the bloody Civil War in Nigeria from 1967 till 1970. General Gowon failed on his promise to return the nation to civilian government which led to a palace coup devoid of bloodshed in 1975 with General Murtala Muhammad as the Head of State.

In pursuance of the earlier defeated greed of Igbo nationalities, another Igbo man, Major Buka Dimka, aggrieved over the transition programme of General Murtala to hand over power to a civilian government, led another violent coup that led to the killing of General Murtala Muhammad in 1976. General Olusegun Obasanjo, as the new Head of State, completed the transition programme and handed over government to a civilian government in the person of Alhaji Sheu Shagari in 1979.

It is imperative to state that the adjudged controversial victory of Sheu Shagari of the Northern Party of Nigeria against Chief Obafemi Awolowo of the Unity Party of Nigeria was aided majorly by Southerners who mobilized vehemently against the outstanding credentials of Chief Awolowo both at the 1979 and 1983 presidential elections. The result of the 1983 election was seriously contested in court. The administration of Sheu Shagari was alleged of a high level of corruption and poor governance which led to the abolition of that Republic by concerned nationalists in the military.

A proper analysis of the change of governments since 1983 till date does not indict the Northern elites of desperation at any point in time. Following the annulment of 12th June, 1993 presidential election involving Chief M.K.O. Abiola, it was a Yoruba nationalist chief, Ernest Shonekan, that accepted to lead an interim government at the detriment of the Yoruba nation while in 1999, the entire Northern elites supported a proposal for the President and Senate President to emerge from the Southern Nigeria and the Yoruba Nation produced the President while the Igbo Nation produced the Senate President.

It is a common knowledge that the agreement among the Northern and Southern elites in 1998, was a rotation of power between the South and North after two terms of eight years each and since the advocacy of the Northern elites for their turn to lead the country expectedly, some Southern elites mostly from the South East and South South have not spared the Northern elites with the appellation of “born to rule”. Without fear of contradiction and the avalanche of facts on the desperation of races to impoverish this country, the Northern people do not portray the born to rule mentality labelling them by the detractors of our collective goods.

People should not be carried away by the antics of subterranean forces to blackmail the Northern candidates against their inalienable rights to seek mandate of the people to lead the country in the capacity of President. It will be in the best interest of the young people to get the facts correct about struggle for power and defuse hatred for people and their race ignorantly. We must overlook the past and unite as one people of a great country to positively direct our affairs devoid of blackmail or propaganda against any region. The rights of every Nigerian must be respected in consonance with the understanding of our leaders on rotational leadership in order to restore the lost glory of our noble country.

Comrade AbdulRahman Agboola

National Coordinator,

Mass Action for Good Governance and Grassroots Developments in Nigeria.

nycnpro@gmail.com 08032813279

APC: Give Us Buhari!

By Maxwell Adeleye

“The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.” – Martin Luther King Jnr.

Country people, prior to the June 21st governorship election in Ekiti State, APC foot-soldiers were cajoling the general public, arguing that giving Ayo Fayose the governorship ticket of the PDP is an automatic way of handling Dr. Fayemi an easy-ride second term tenure. As a product of the APC’s constituency, I played along. I knew APC’ rooting for Fayose was a ground gimmick to cajole the PDP.

My core-APC friends were rooting for Ayo Fayose, thinking that the PDP would give its ticket to another Aspirants whom would have been well-walloped by Governor Kayode Fayemi. Fayose was APC’s headache. The APC strategy failed in Ekiti State as the PDP refused to be wheedled.

Now, as the 2015 Presidential Election is gathering momentum, the core PDP supporters are at the moment, rooting for the candidature of General Muhammadu Buhari, stating confidently that the pride of Duara is the easiest for Jonathan to maul if presented by the APC.

Country people, It’s all lie! It’s a strategy to confuse the APC. If the APC want to have a good show in 2015, I am of the opinion that only Buhari have the character and pedigree to deliver. Take for instance, the total votes that will come from the whole of South-South and South Eastern Nigeria for Jonathan can not more than what Buhari will garner from Kano, Jigawa and Sokoto States respectively.

I give Imo to Jonathan, but with Okorocha, it won’t be a landslide like 2011 for the PDP. Same in Rivers and Edo. Jonathan will win but won’t be as much as 2011 figure.

Buhari’s age? Of course, Buhari is aged! However, it is necessary to remind Nigerians that the hero of virtually all African democrats, Nelson Mandela was older than Buhari when he successfully governed South Africa.

It is also germane to expressly state that Jerry Rawlings was Buhari’s age-mate when he meritoriously served the people of Ghana.

Lastly, without being sensational, today, I can confidently avow that the only Political leader that can stand on the streets of Kano, Dutse, Kaduna, Katsina, Bauchi, Gombe, Yola, Maiduguri, Sokoto, Damaturu, Zamfara, Lafia, Minna and within a twinkle of an eye, more than 2million electorates will surround him is General Mohammadu Buhari! Yes, he is!

In 2015, the alternative to General Buhari is the continuity of President Goodluck Jonathan. If the APC can’t present Buhari, that means myself and my Family, God willing, will openly campaign and vote for the continuity of President Goodluck Jonathan.

To me, aside Buhari, none of those interested in Jonathan’s job at the moment fair better than him.

In GMB I trust!

Maxwell Adeyemi Adeleye,

Magodo, Lagos.

Maxwell_adeleye@yahoo.com 07039168005.

54 years after Independence, Nigeria is still not free

By: Dr. C K Ekeke

In his memoir book: ‘There Was A Country – A Personal History of Biafra’ – a classic and masterful narration of Nigeria’s history and civil war, the eminent scholar, International poet, and global treasure, the late Prof. Chinua Achebe published before passing into glory last year, he wrote abundantly about Nigeria’s independence and freedom. In the words of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, he writes, Nigeria was given her freedom “on a platter of gold.” We should have known that freedom should be won, not given on a plate. Like the head of John the Baptist, this gift to Nigeria proved most unlucky.

In his famous and widely quoted book: ‘The Trouble with Nigeria,’ the late poet, philosopher and Prophet Chinua Achebe writes, “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.”

The late nationalist leader and sage were absolutely right. Nigeria gained independence on a platter of gold on October 1, 1960. Since then, she has floundered and has not really enjoyed any genuine freedom or political peace or national prosperity because of tribalism and ethnic hatred, political instability, poor leadership, religious ignorance, intolerance and violence, moral degradation, bribery and corruption, injustice, indiscipline and irresponsibility. These and other vices quickly marred the nation’s prospect for development and progress until today.

In his classic book: ‘The Open Sore of a Continent – A Personal Narrative of the Nigerian Crisis,’ the literary icon, an international acclaimed playwright, essayist and Nobel Peace Prize winner, Novelist Wole Soyinka brilliantly and succinctly writes about the corruption, human rights abuses, bad leadership and political bondage in which Nigeria and most of Africa was subjected to since her independence.

In his masterpiece book and his treatise of governance in Nigeria: ‘Fractured History - Elite Shifts and Policy Changes in Nigeria,’ the erudite scholar and Nigeria’s former permanent representative to UN, the late Dr. Joseph Nanyen Garba, wrote “in our thirty-four years of nationhood, we have made an unprecedented turnaround; going from a nation of hope, strength, abundance, economic prosperity and high aspirations to a nation which has become the embodiment of a degenerate society.”

He further added that, “Nigeria, to my mind, does not lack real men and women. The ingredients for creating a formidable nation exist. What is lacking is leadership with the political will and the selfless dedication to galvanize the entire nation.” (Fractured History ….)

The late Joe Garba was right then and even now. Yes and rightly so, Nigeria does not lack competent people that can lead. But what she lacks are courageous men and women that can liberate us from the shackles of colonial slavery and ethnic bondage.

The Nigerian state is sore and chronically ill, ethically and morally decadent and frankly suffering from a serious and severe crisis. The pandemic poverty, diseases, political corruption, religious violence, ethical and moral decadence rampant in Nigeria today is directly linked to lack of true leadership.

Since Nigeria gained independence in October 1, 1960, she has had various systems of government – Unitary, Parliamentary, Military and now Democratic Presidential system. Despite Nigeria’s enormous human potential and abundant natural resources, the promise of these various governments has been a dismal failure. Our political leaders have not kept their promises but floundered and left the Nigerian masses worse than when they were as slaves under the British kingdom.

President John F. Kennedy speaking during America’s Independence Day, once said, “The cost of freedom is always high but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose and that is the path of surrender, or submission.”

Dr. Mike Murdock, the Bible wisdom teacher writes, “4th of July is very important in American history – in their war for liberty and freedom. Americans have a holy hatred for tyrants, dictatorship and destroyers of the human will. That’s why they willingly confront terrorism anywhere they find it.”

Freedom is not a freebie. Human freedom cannot be granted without major struggle and sacrifice. Let us pray that God will stir up men and women with a holy hatred for tyranny to liberate our nation from bad leadership, corrupt government officials, ethnic hatred and colonial enslavement. More than ever, Nigeria needs courageous, visionary and skilful leaders to emancipate the people and our land from satanic political leadership and restore her historic honor and moral dignity in the global community. I pray for vision and hope that we develop the moral courage to stand up for our freedoms from all shackles of injustice and enslavement in our society today.

As we celebrate today, let us thank God for preserving and keeping us together for these tumultuous 54 years. May He give us the strength to continue to confront any forms of enslavement of our hopes and dreams and to continue to fight for our liberty and true freedom!

Happy Independence Day!